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Multi-verb constructions in Edo

Revision as of 11:31, 11 August 2009 by Ota Ogie (Talk | contribs)

By Ota Ogie Ph.D Student. Department of Language and Communication Studies. NTNU E-mail:ota.ogie@hf.ntnu.no


Multi-verb constructions provide useful insight into the question of how languages distinguish between adjunction and complementation. The term multi-verb constructions is defined as consisting of verbs in series that can function as independent verbs in simple sentences, with at least one shared argument and no marking of syntactic dependency (cf. Amaka 2005:2).

Èdó

sv-v1objIDv2su-v1tr-v1suAg-v1obAff-v2-int-v2suAff-CAUSE_RESULT

Òzó kòkó Àdésúwà mòsé
“Ozo raised Adesuwa to be beautiful”
Òzó
òzó
OzoSBJAGT
Np
kòkó
kòkó
raisePAST
Vtr
Àdésúwà
àdésúwà
Adesuwa.AFFDO
Np
mòsé
mòsé
be.beautifulPAST
Vitr


The template above the construction has the following structure: Area 1 gives the global labels, the number of verbs in series (ie sv, sv3, sv4 ) as well as identities and information about thematic relations holding across the verb in series. In the example above sv states that the construction is of type serial verb with 2 verbs, Area 2 gives the valence information as well as information about grammatical function and thematic roles. This is exemplified by v1objIDv2su-v1tr-v1suAg_v1obAff-v2-int-v2obAff in the example above. Here the object of v1 shares reference (ID) with the subject of v2 v1objIDv2su. Also v1 is transitive and its subject has an agent thematic role and the object an Affected role v1tr-v1suAg-v1obAff while v2 is intransitive with a subject having an Affected role v2-int-v2suAff. Information about the situation type of the construction is provided by Area 3 and this is exemplified by CAUSE_RESULT in the above example. Area 3 is written in capital letters. In examples where there is token identity between arguments of the verbs in series, I have represented thematic relations only in area 1. Area 2 then gives information about valence, arguments that do not share thematic roles and arguments that are not shared. For example, in the consequential svc in the Èdó example below, the template reads as follows: Area 1:sv_suObID_suAg. The serial verb construction consists of two verbs in series and the verbs in series token share their arguments. The subject argument has an agent theta role. Area 2:v1tr-v1obThincrem-v2tr-v2obAff. V1 is transitive and has an incremental theme object. V2 is also transitive with an object bearing an affected theta role. Area 3: The situation type is a TRANSFER relation. (see Hellan 2008 and Hellan and Dakubu 2009 and In-depth annotation of multi-verb constructions in Èdó for discussion on the labelling conventions. Also Hellan and Dakubu 2009 uses the global label ev to represent Extended Verb Complexes and the label pv for preverbs in EVCs. In addition, to the labelling conventions used by Hellan and Dakubu 2009 for SVCs and EVCs, the following global labels are introduced to account for the range of multi-verb constructions in my data. The background assumptions remains the same:

Global labels

consecutive construction - csc

covert coordination - cc

infinitival construction - ic

modifier construction - mc

negative resultative construction - nrc

overlapping construction - oc

complement/embedded clause - cec

empty subject construction - esc



The verbs in series in multi-verb constructions need not bear one/same marking for tense, aspect, mood or negation and need not share subjects. They include SVCs, consecutive constructions, covert co-ordination, overlapping constructions, V+ modifier constructions and V+ infinitival complement constructions.

Èdó

Consequential SVC

sv_suObID_suAg-v1tr-v1obThincrem-v2tr-v2obAff-TRANSFER

Òzó lé ìzẹ̣̣̣̣̣́ khiẹ̣̣̣̣́n
“Ozo cooked rice and sold”
Òzó
òzó
OzoSBJAGT
Np
cookIVH
V
ìzẹ̣̣̣̣̣́
ìzẹ̣̣̣̣̣́
rice.AFFDO
N
khiẹ̣̣̣̣́n
khiẹ̣̣̣̣́n
sellIVH
V


Covert co-ordination cc_suID_suAg-v1tr-v1obAff-v2tr-v2obThincrem-CAUSE_RESULT

Òzó gbọ̣̣̣̣̀ọ̣̣̣̣́ ívìn , bòló òká
“Ozo planted cooconut and peeled corn”
Òzó
òzó
OzoSBJAGT
Np
gbọ̣̣̣̣̀ọ̣̣̣̣́
gbọ̣̣̣̣̀ọ̣̣̣̣́
plantPASTH
Vtr
ívìn
ívìn
coconut.AFFDO
CN
,bòló
,bòló
peelPASTH
Vtr
òká
òká
cornDOTH
CN


V+modifier constuctions

mc-vintr_suAg-ACHVMNT-MOTION_DIRECTED

Òzó rhùlé ̣rè làọ̣̣̣̣́ òwá
“Ozo ran into the house”
Òzó
òzó
ozoSBJAGT
Np
rhùlẹ̣̣̣̣́rè
rhùlẹ̣̣̣̣́
runIVRT
Vitr
làọ̣̣̣̣́
làọ̣̣̣̣́
enter.V>P
PREP
òwá
òwá
houseGOAL
N


V+infinitival complement construction

ic_suID_suAg-v2tr-v2obThincrem-CAUSE_RESULT

Íràn kùgbé-rè tòbíràn rrí ízẹ̣̣̣̣̀
“They ate the rice together by themselves”
Íràn
íràn
They3PLNOMSBJAGT
Np
kùgbérè
kùgbé-rè
jointogetherPASTRT
Vtr
tòbíràn
tòbíràn
by.themselves3PLREFLACC
 
rrí
rrí
eat
Vtr
ízẹ̣̣̣̣̀
ízẹ̣̣̣̣̀
riceDOTH
CN


Ewe

Consecutive constructions

cs3-v1intr-v1suAg-v2intr-v3intr-v3suAg-DIRECTED_MOTION

Mí-nɔ yi-yi-m má-vá
“You be going (and) I will come (i.e.follow)”
2PLNOMSBJAGT
PN
be.at
V
yiyim
yiyim
  go
V
má
má
1SGNOMSBJAGT
PN
come
V


Overlapping constructions

oc-v1obIDv2su-v1tr-v1suAg-v1obAff-v2intr-v2suAff- CAUSE_RESULT

Kofí fo-e wò-dze anyí
“Kofi struck him/her, S/he fall down”
Kofí
kofí
KofiSBJAGT
Np
fo
fo
struck
V
e
e
AFF3SGACCDO
PN
AFF3SGNOMSBJ
PN
dze
dze
contact
V
anyí
anyí
ground
 


This study examines multi-verb constructions in (a Benue-Congo language) with the aim of identifying and classifying them and their argument sharing patterns.

We draw main background assumptions from the following sources; implemented Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammars for Norwegian (Hellan 2003) and Ga (Hellan 2007) a Kwa language spoken in Ghana; an HPSG account of argument realization patterns (Beermann, Hellan and Sætherø 2003); and a theory of event structure template (Pustejovsky 1995, 2006).

Èdó is spoken in Èdó state in Mid-Western Nigeria and belongs to the Edoid language group (Elugbe1979). It is a head initial SVO language with an open syllable system with no consonant clusters.

With respect to verbal morphology, verbs can be inflected for the purpose of pluralizing nouns they occur with and to mark iteration.

Simple sentence: V+plural suffix

v-tr-suNom_ag_obThincrem-COMPLETED_MONODEVMT



Ọ̣̣̣̣̀ gbẹ̣̣̣̣̀n-nẹ̣̣̣̣́ èbé
“He/she wrote books”
Ọ̣̣̣̣̀
ọ̣̣̣̣̀
3SGSBJNOMAGT
PN
gbẹ̣̣̣̣̀nnẹ̣̣̣̣́
gbẹ̣̣̣̣̀nnẹ̣̣̣̣́
writePLIVH
V
èbé
èbé
bookDOTH
CN


Tense and transitivity are marked on the verb either through tonal changes or by affixation of a past tense suffix –rV under appropriate licensing conditions. With plural verbs,the order is the plural suffix before the past suffix.

Simple sentence: Present tense

v-intrImplobj-suNom_ag-NONCOMPLETED_MONODEVMT

Ọ̣̣̣̣̀ gbẹ̣̣̣̣́n
“He/she is writing”
Ọ̣̣̣̣̀
ọ̣̣̣̣̀
3SGSBJNOMAGT
PN
gbẹ̣̣̣̣́n
gbẹ̣̣̣̣́n
writePRESH
Vtr


Simple sentence: Past tense

v-intrImplobj-suNom_ag-COMPLETED_MONODEVMT

Ọ̣̣̣̣̀ gbẹ̣̣̣̣̀n-nẹ̣̣̣̣́-rè
“He/she wrote several times”
Ọ̣̣̣̣̀
ọ̣̣̣̣̀
3SGNOMSBJAGT
PN
gbẹ̣̣̣̣̀nnẹ̣̣̣̣́rè
gbẹ̣̣̣̣̀nnẹ̣̣̣̣̣̣̣̣̣́rè
writePLIVRT
Vtr


11 multi-verb constructions in Èdó are shown to pattern into four structural types with respect to the distribution of the past tense suffix –rV, an infinitival marker , a floating anaphor tòbórè 'by him/her/it self ', VP adverbs and argument sharing patterns:

1. V+ modifier constructions: durational, directional, locational, manner constructions: -rV licensed, infinitival yá not licensed. One verb in the series is reanalyzed as adverb.

2. V (P) +V (P) constructions: resultatives, negative resultatives, consequential and covert co-ordination constructions: -rV not licensed, infinitival yá not licensed. The verbs in series have the same values for Tense, Aspect and Mood (TAM).

3. V + mood constructions: purpose constructions: -rV licensed, infinitival yá not licensed. V2 has a positive value for MOOD.

4. V+ infinitival complement constructions: comitative and instrumental constructions: -rV licensed, infinitival yá licensed and V2 is non-finite.


The –rV suffix also interacts in an interesting way with the temporal structures of multi-verb constructions. Overlapping events license –rV while non-overlapping events do not

The study also examines multi-verb constructions in the following languages of the Niger-Congo: Igbo and Yoruba (Benue-Congo), Gurenne (Oti-Volta), Ga, Baule, Akan and Ewe (Kwa) and situate properties of Èdó multi-verb constructions within typology common to these languages.

ÈDÓ

ic_suID_suAg-v2tr-v2obThincrem-CAUSE_RESULT

Íràn kùgbé-rè kó!kó ìzẹ̣̣̣̣̣́
“They joined together and gathered the rice”
Íràn
íràn
3PLNOMSBJAGT
PN
kùgbérè
kùgbé
joinIVRT
Vtr
kó!kó
kó!kó
gather
Vtr
ìzẹ̣̣̣̣̣́
ìzẹ̣̣̣̣̣́
riceDOTH
N


sv_suObID_suAg_obThincrem-CAUSE_RESULT

Òzó lé ìzẹ́ ré
“Ozo cooked rice and ate”
Òzó
òzó
OzoSBJAGT
Np
cookPASTH
Vtr
ìzẹ́
ìzẹ́
riceDOTH
CN
eatPASTH
Vtr


IGBO

sv_suID_suAg-v1tr-v1obTh-v2intr-DIRECTED_MOTION

Ó wè-re ìte byá
“S/he came with a pot”
Ó
ó
3SGNOMSBJAGT
PN
wère
re
takeØASP
V
ìte
ìte
potDOTH
CN
byá
byá
come.ASP
V


AKAN

sv-Implobj_suObID_suAg_ob_AFF-v1tr-v2tr-CAUSE_RESULT

Ama noa di
“Ama cooks and then eats”
Ama
ama
AmaSBJAGT
Np
noa
noa
cook
Vtr
di
di
eat
Vtr


YORUBA

sv_suID_suAg-v1tr-v1obTh-v2intr-DIRECTED_MOTION

Ó mú ìwé wá
“He brought the book”
Ó
ó
3SGNOMSBJAGT
PN
take
V
ìwé
ìwé
bookDOTH
CN
come
V


EWE

cec-v1intr-v1suAg-v2tr-v2suAff-v2obThincrem-CAUSE_RESULT

Kofí ná (bé) wò-ɖu nú-á
“Kofi made him/her eat the thing”
Kofí
kofí
KofiSBJAGT
Np
give
V
 
COMP
AFF3SGACCSBJ
PN
ɖu
ɖu
eat
V
núá
á
thingDOTHDEF
CN


BAULE

esc_suID_suAg-v1tr-v1obThincrem-v2tr-v2obAff-CAUSE_RESULT

ɔsi-li aliɛ-`n sɔkɔ-li tro`n
“S/he pounded the futu and prepared the sause”
ɔ
ɔ
3SGNOMSBJAGT
PN
sili
sili
poundCOMPL
V
aliɛ`n
aliɛ`n
foodDOTHDEF
CN
sɔkɔli
sɔkɔli
prepareCOMPL
V
tro`n
tro`n
sause.AFFDEFDO
CN


GURENNE

sv-suObID_suAg_obTh-v1tr-v2tr- PLACEMENT

Bà diki mà tá`asi zí'à ná
“They sent me to that place”
3PLNOMSBJAGT
PN
diki
diki
take
V
1SGACCDOTH
PN
tá`asi
tá`asi
send
V
zí'à
zí'à
placeENDPNT
CN
DEF
 


Ga

ev_ditr_suObID_suAg_obTh-pv1tr-vditr-iobEndpossessor-TRANSFER

E kɛ wolo lɛ ha mi
“He gave me the book”
E
e
3SGNOMSBJAGT
PN
move
V
wolo
wolo
bookDOTH
CN
 
DET
ha
ha
give
V
mi
mi
1SGGOAL
PN


Multi-verbs identified include SVCs in all the languages discussed, consecutive constructions and overlapping constructions in Ewe and covert co-ordination in Èdó, Igbo and Baule. Typological features used for identification include: tense, mood, aspect, negation, adverb distribution, predicate cleft and argument sharing patterns. The findings show that the typological features of a language determine the type of multi-verb construction it licenses. Also while, inflection may demarcate multi-verb types within a language, the pattern observed for a language may not map onto another language.

With respect to argument sharing, the following types are discussed; token sharing of subjects; switch sharing; overt reference sharing of subjects; covert reference sharing of subjects; token sharing of objects ; overt reference sharing of objects and covert sharing of objects. The patterns found in the languages studied support the claim that languages with rich verbal agreement features allow recoverability of unexpressed arguments and tend to license null subjects and objects. Object sharing patterns show asymmetry with respect to switch sharing and reference sharing. Languages that have overt reference subject sharing patterns do not have switch sharing (Ewe, Ga and Baule) while those that do not, tend to employ token/covert reference sharing of subjects and switch sharing (Èdó, Yoruba and Akan).This is buttressed by data from Attie and Likpe closely related languages to these languages. With respect to object sharing, these languages that do not have switch sharing all have covert sharing of objects, while those that have, do not have covert sharing of objects. Èdó belongs to the type that does not have overt reference sharing of subjects and tend to employ token sharing of subjects and switch sharing. For object sharing, Èdó does not have covert sharing of objects and employs mainly token sharing of objects.In particular, object sharing in multi-verb constructions in Èdó is analyzed as token sharing by grammatical function.

Two schemas are posited to account for Èdó multi-verb constructions:

1.Verb-serial-compl (ement)-phrase with a complementation structure for the

   V (P) +V (P) resultative and V+infinitival complement constructions.

2.Serial-mod-phrase with an adjunction structure for V+mood constructions, V+modifier

  constructions and V (P) +V (P); consequential, purpose, and negative resultative  
  constructions.